By Datu Al-Zahid Hanok Salik

The Syrian conflict can be described as one of the miserable crises in the 21st century, often portrayed internally as one driven by dissent and sectarian violence, with foreign influence and interventions. However, from a deeper analysis, there has been a far-reaching geopolitical strategy involved, particularly the one attributed to the Zionist regime, which is seen in broader context as an effort to weaken Syria and its alliance with Iran and Hezbollah. These alliances provide a vital axis of resistance against Israeli expansionism. Israel aims to neutralize one of its most notorious threats by severing these connections that bind them.

The strategic position that Syria maintains in the Middle East makes the state an extremely significant actor in  the regional geopolitics. Its close alignment with Iran and Hezbollah constitutes a banner of resistance against Israeli aggression. Operating from Lebanon, the Hezbollah has been confronting Israel with audacity, especially in the War in Lebanon in 2006. This resistance which is heavily reliant on Iran, operates through the Syrian territory for arms and supplies coordination. It’s a tripartite alliance viewed as an existential threat to Israel’s commitment to destabilizing Syria which has become the Zionist regime’s strategic priority.

The idea of destabilizing the neighbouring states to assure the security of Israel is not new. It is in line with the greater range of goals outlined in the “Yinon Plan”, a highly controversial strategy document from 1982, which called for the fragmentation of Israel’s neighboring states into smaller and weaker states divided along ethnic and sectarian lines. This  process is popularly termed  as “balkanization” in order to prevent any single nation from challenging Israel’s dominance (Yinon, 1982). In Syria, it is manifesting through the increase in internal conflicts, encouraging sectarian divides, and infrastructure and governance destruction.

One of the main reasons behind the Zionist agenda in Syria is to destabilize the axis between Iran and Hezbollah. This has been the reason for Hezbollah’s strength to counter and repel most of the Israeli intrusions and maintain a tight foothold in the region. With the chaos in Syria, Israel intends to sever this vital connection and hence weaken Hezbollah by reducing Iran’s influence in the region. While such alliances have indeed been stretched because of the prolonged conflict, they remain resilient amidst immense challenges.

Another important aspect of this agenda is weakening the resistance movements at the regional level. Years of war have completely destroyed Syria’s military and structure that had a crucial role in the wider perspective of resistance to Israeli aggression. This weakening has at large affected the morale and unity within the Muslim world, where the focus of Muslim states in the middle-east has been diverted from a collective resistance to internal conflicts, fight for survival, and sectarian divides. Thus, the diversion of resources and attention from the Palestinian cause has further bolstered Israel’s interest in consolidating its control over occupied territories with very little opposition.

Looking back at the works of prominent Muslim scholars on how they perceived the eagerness of the Zionist regime to totally divide the Ummah would help provide valuable insights especially in the case of Syrian conflict, showing that it is both a geopolitical and spiritual conflict. The late Dr. Ali Shariati clearly stated the dangers of imperialism and the manipulation of Muslim nations. According to Shariati and Behzadnia (1980), the internal divisions within the Muslim societies are exploited by an external force. The Syrian crisis is an example of how imperial powers at the directive of the Zionist regime, exploit sectarian divides to further their interests. That is why such scholars kept advocating for Muslim unity and caution against such threats. On the other hand, Imran Hosein, a contemporary Muslim scholar and eschatologist, using his views of Syrian conflict within the paradigm of Islamic eschatology, considered the conflict as the declaration for the start of the “ARMAGDEDDON” and the general struggle of good against evil. In fact, the destabilization of Syria is not merely a geopolitical maneuver but also a spiritual attack on the Muslim world. This can be highlighted by looking at the historical and eschatological position of Syria which means that its fragmentation serves a two-tier objective. The first is the worldly objective and the second is that of the otherworldly. Hosein (2003)  has sought to emphasize the need for the recognition of these dimensions  toward which Muslims must wisely and unanimously respond.

The Syrian narrative becomes much murkier with the involvement of external powers. Based on human rights abuses and alleged chemical weapons used by the Assad regime, the United States has pursued a policy of regime change in Syria. Critics however note that such interventions also serve Israeli interests so extraordinarily that the motives can’t help but raise questions. From supporting oppositional groups right up to carrying out airstrikes against Syrian targets, most of Washington’s moves undermined the country’s sovereignty and stability. On the other side, the involvement of Russia in this conflict brings in the multipolarity of the struggle. The support received by the Assad regime from Russia added to the resistance role Syria could play against the foreign pressures, thereby maintaining its presence in the axis of resistance. This dynamic provides  an idea of the high risks associated with the Syrian crisis and why global powers are vying to have an influence in the region. To Israel, it means a tightrope walk through the spiderweb of alliances and rivalries, often using its close relations with the West to further its goals.

One of the most remarkable but terrible things about the Syrian conflict is the fact that it has been turned into a battleground for manipulating sectarian identities, putting Wahabbism at the centre which the Zionist always take advantage of. Tensions that had long been between the Sunni and Shia division within the Muslim world were tapped into for breeding violence and disunity. In fact, this division has always been attributed to external powers like Israel for exacerbating such divisions as part of a policy aimed at weakening Islamic unity. Further fragmentations within these parties work to weaken any collective resistance against Zionist aggressions and divert attention away from the Palestinian cause which is considered the cornerstone of Muslim solidarity.

The Syrian conflict has deep and far reaching implications for the Muslim world. Leaving aside the humanitarian catastrophe that it created, the destabilization of Syria weakened the resistance movements  by drawing off resources and attention which has the potential to ultimately break the unity of Muslims. In the process, the breaking of the Iran, Syria and Hezbollah axis dealt a severe blow to the region’s ability to counter Israel’s aggression. Meanwhile, the spotlight on Syria has diverted attention away from other pressing issues like the intergenerational Palestinian plight and the greater resistance against Zionist expansionism.

Furthermore, the Syrian civil war has set a very dangerous precedent with regard to external interventions in the internal affairs of Muslim-majority states. The fact that Syria’s civil war involved several foreign powers has, in general, legitimized the practice of foreign interference at the expense of the sovereignty and self-determination of Muslim states. This trend thus, forms one of the most important challenges to the Muslim world in navigating an increasingly volatile and interventionist global order.

Therefore, the Syrian conflict when viewed from the lens of a long-term Zionist strategy brings to the fore the complexity and high risks of the region’s geopolitics. The Zionist regime keep trying to secure its dominance in the Middle East through disrupting the Iran and Hezbollah axis, exploiting sectarian divisions, and weakening resistance movements. These dynamics are best demonstrated and anticipated by scholars like Dr. Ali Shariati and Imran Hosein, from whom valuable perspectives can be taken, and also their call for unity, vigilance, and strategic action. This is the commitment to justice, solidarity, and resistance against oppression that the Muslim world has to maintain at all costs amidst the challenge posed to them by the ongoing Syrian crisis. The Ummah can be redeemed only through collective efforts and a newfound sense of unity and purpose to overcome such challenges and position the Muslim world to its rightful place at the world stage.

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Datu Al-Zahid Hanok Salik is a faculty member in the Department of Political Science, College of Arts and Sciences, MSU Maguindanao. He is currently pursuing Master of Arts in Political Science specializing International Relations at Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia (UIII)  He is an academic researcher focusing in international relations, comparative politics, and Mindanao Muslim history.  His current research paper involve examining youth political engagement in Cotabato City and comparing the foreign policy responses of the Aquino III and Duterte administrations to China’s assertiveness in the West Philippine Sea.

References:
Hosein, I. N. (2003). Jerusalem in the Qur’an. Masjid Dar-Al-Qur’an.
Shariati, A., & Behzadnia, A. A. (1980). Hajj: Free Islamic Literatures Houston.
Yinon, O. (1982). A strategy for Israel in the nineteen eighties. KIVUNIM (Directions): A Journal for Judaism and Zionism, 14(11).